![]() Likewise, Providence uses all its fingers to count its state championships - and Joliet Catholic and Mount Carmel have to use some of their toes. The Flyers from the year before might finish second, and the team before that might rank third. Louis' 1985 champs probably would win a poll as the state's greatest team. We have two teams from the 2010s, five from the 2000s, five from the 1990s, five from the 1980s, seven from the 1970s, three from the 1960s, two from the '50s, and one each from the '40s, '30s and 1910s. Each era is represented as fairly as possible. The potential for a new chapter of such abuses is plain.1. Pat Brown, among many Republican gains - the law won broad bipartisan support and Reagan’s signature. The evidence of abuses was strong enough that in a state where voters moved sharply to the right the previous November - electing Ronald Reagan in a landslide over incumbent Gov. As many as 37,000 individuals were detained at 12 state prisons, some for many years at a time, with relatively few protections and horror stories about detention orders being used in vindictive fashion. Adding weight to this argument is what happened before the 1967 law - the Lanterman-Petris-Short Act. They say compelling individuals to accept treatment should not be a readily taken step dependent on evidence as minimal as cursory interactions between a paramedic and a distressed individual. The first has been repeatedly made by civil liberties and disabled rights advocates. But two crucial points cannot be ignored as the state undertakes the CARE Court experiment and adopts weaker standards on compulsory treatment. The reduced quality of life caused by the problem is on plain view in much of the Downtown area and many other communities in California. The misery of many unsheltered individuals and families is obvious. The San Diego Union-Tribune Editorial Board is hopeful that these bold moves pan out. “And in the absence of alternatives, what the hell are we gonna do to address this crisis?” But one thing you cannot argue for, with all due respect to all the critics out there, is the status quo. In a recent interview on “60 Minutes,” it was Newsom’s turn to flash some frustration after making his case for compulsory care to reduce the homeless crisis. It weakens a landmark 1967 state law that regulated and limited how long individuals could be forced to receive treatment against their will if they were determined to be unable to provide for their own personal safety or medical care due to mental illness or extreme substance abuse. On Tuesday, the governor signed a law that’s likely to be even more tranformative. Created by a 2022 law championed by Newsom, it allows family, close friends, first responders and mental health workers to ask courts to require individuals with untreated schizophrenia spectrum or other psychotic disorders to undergo court-ordered treatment. 2, when San Diego County was among seven counties in the state to launch the CARE Court program, which goes statewide next year. Gavin Newsom, state lawmakers and many mayors (in particular San Diego’s Todd Gloria) have pushed for major changes in how homelessness is addressed. Given this backdrop, it is no surprise that Gov. Some 170,000 Californians - more than the combined populations of El Cajon and Poway - are unsheltered. For a decade, state and local government efforts to address the problem and related concerns about mental illness and addiction have exploded in cost and scope but generated relatively little progress. The frustration over homelessness in California just keeps building - among the housed and the unhoused alike. We base our editorials and endorsements on reporting, interviews and rigorous debate, and strive for accuracy, fairness and civility in our section. The editorial board operates independently from the U-T newsroom but holds itself to similar ethical standards. ![]()
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